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The 2025 G7 Leaders’ Summit in Kananaskis, Alberta (June 15–17, 2025) will be protected by a major multi‐agency security operation. The RCMP-led Integrated Safety and Security Group (ISSG) – including Calgary Police, Alberta Sheriffs and Parks, and the Canadian Armed Forces – has already mapped out a “controlled access zone” around Kananaskis village (June 10–18) and designated three protest zones in Calgary to contain demonstrators. Observers expect heavy police presence, road closures and checks (e.g. parkland trailheads and highways will be locked down) akin to previous summits. Key threats include large-scale protests (indigenous land rights, pipeline and climate activists, anti-globalization groups), targeted extremist violence (including far‐right militants), lone‐actor attacks on high‐profile leaders (Trump will attend) and general criminal disturbance. Canada’s national terrorism threat level remains Medium (meaning an attack “could occur”), so a serious insider attack or explosive incident, while unlikely, cannot be entirely ruled out.
Cyber threats are also acute. Canadian cybersecurity agencies warn of aggressive state-sponsored hacking (notably by China, Russia and Iran) and pervasive ransomware risk. For example, Canada’s Signals Intelligence agency (CSE) warns that “aggressive Chinese hacking” is the “most sophisticated and active state cyber threat to Canada”, targeting government and industry. Ransomware is cited as “the top cybercrime threat facing Canada’s critical infrastructure”.Recent breaches – the CRA leak of October 2024 (2M taxpayers’ records), the Dec 2023 Global Affairs VPN breach and hit to FINTRAC (Mar 2024) – underscore Canada’s cyber vulnerabilities. Important event infrastructure (delegate hotels, media center, transport networks) may be targeted by hackers or DDoS attacks.
The summit will also be a focus of disinformation/influence operations. Foreign state actors are active in Canada’s social media space (e.g. China’s WeChat spam‐bot networks, Russian propaganda sites). The G7’s Rapid Response Mechanism (RRM) has already documented Chinese-run campaigns spreading false claims about Canadian MPs. Domestically, the 2022 “Freedom Convoy” protests were markedly fueled by online misinformation and propaganda. Intelligence reports warn that adversaries (Russia, China, Iran and domestic ideologues) routinely target Canadian political events with false narratives.
Institutionally, longstanding coordination gaps in Canada’s security apparatus remain a concern. Parliamentary oversight (NSIRA) has noted persistent CSIS–RCMP “intelligence‐to‐evidence” frictions. Conversely, local police (Calgary PD) report being fully integrated under RCMP leadership for G7 planning. However, past protests (e.g. the 2022 convoy) revealed that policing and intelligence failures often coincide. Canada’s vast terrain and rural location (mountain trails, forested areas) also strain surveillance and response capabilities. In sum, while Ottawa has devoted major resources and planning to G7 security, significant risks – large protests, cyberattacks, and covert influence – remain. We detail these below.
Modern summits depend critically on networks and information systems – a prime target for cyberattack. Canada’s intelligence agencies explicitly warn that state-sponsored cyberespionage is intense. The Communications Security Establishment (CSE) reports that Chinese cyber operators pose the “most sophisticated and active” threat to Canadian cyberspace, focusing on spying, intellectual property theft and influence campaigns. Russia and Iran also maintain active programs: Russia mainly uses cyber tools to destabilize (e.g. through election interference and disinformation). G7 delegations (digital devices, comms channels) and summit support infrastructure (e.g. local networks, media centers) could be surveilled or infiltrated.
Online propaganda and false information will be used to shape perceptions of the Summit. Canada’s own RRM (Rapid Response Mechanism) has already flagged disinformation campaigns run by foreign agents targeting Canadian policymakers. For example, one Chinese-linked network on WeChat spread anti-Canadian narratives to diaspora audiences, while a coordinated “Spamouflage” botnet flooded Canadian MPs’ social media with slurs. Such capabilities can easily be refocused onto the G7: spreading rumors of violent crackdowns, exaggerating protest turnout, or sowing discord among the allied delegations. Russian state media and troll accounts are known to hype divisions in Western summits (past G7 communiqués have been distorted to allege anti-Global South bias). Iran or others may also spin the event in opposition to nuclear or regional issues.
No security plan is foolproof – Canada’s agencies have known gaps that adversaries might exploit. A recent NSIRA review found persistent CSIS–RCMP coordination issues: both agencies remain reluctant to share raw intelligence for investigations, lacking “a shared vision or complementary strategy” on certain threats. For example, CSIS often collects evidence it can’t legally use, hampering timely action by police. These structural frictions could slow down the Summit response if new threats emerge on-site.
Local authorities, however, appear well-integrated. The Calgary Police Service (CPS) describes being fully embedded in the federal ICS hierarchy – part of the RCMP-led ISSG, with joint risk-planning under the National IRMT. CPS staff are training for crowd-control and emergency response specific to G7 events. Funding (via Public Safety Canada) has been approved for hundreds of officer-days of patrols and security details. On paper, this multi-layered approach is robust. In practice, however, past events caution against overconfidence: the 2022 convoy (Invocation of the Emergencies Act) showed how quickly law enforcement can become overwhelmed without flexible local manpower. As one analyst bluntly noted, “policing failures in confronting a protest are inseparable from intelligence failures.”
Other institutional challenges include the rural terrain: Kananaskis has spotty cell coverage and few nearby hospitals, complicating emergency medical and crisis communications. Agencies are reportedly pre-staging satellite phones and mobile clinic units, but even so, any mass-casualty or complex incident (e.g. a mountain landslide during a hike) could quickly tax resources. Coordination among federal (CSIS, CSE, RCMP) and provincial/local (Alberta Sheriffs, Calgary EMS, Rocky View EMS) responders will be tested. Finally, public transparency demands add strain: police oversight bodies will be scrutinizing any force used against protesters. This could slow decisions (as seen in Quebec 2018 G7 protests) and give agitators more leverage although the RCMP are well known to love to brutalize.
The 2025 Alberta G7 Summit will proceed under one of Canada’s most comprehensive security operations in years. Nevertheless, the combination of spirited domestic opposition, sophisticated cyber adversaries, and global disinformation means that threats are diverse and simultaneous. Ongoing OSINT monitoring suggests elevated online chatter about convoy-style protests on Alberta highways, climate rallies in Calgary, and coordinated hacktivist campaigns. Canadian authorities have heavy capabilities to meet these challenges, but past events underscore that surprises can occur. Close interagency cooperation and real-time intelligence sharing will be critical.
[…] In the run-up to the summit, CIRO would have worked with Canada’s intelligence service (the Canadi…. Japan is also part of international intelligence partnerships (including the “Five Eyes” via the U.S. and allied channels), so CIRO likely engages in joint threat assessment exercises with counterparts from the G7 nations. By the time the delegation arrives in Kananaskis, a combined situational awareness picture will have been formed, covering potential terrorist plots, espionage risks, cyber threats, and disruptive protest groups. A CIRO liaison officer can sit in the Canadian security operations center to exchange any actionable intelligence in real time, ensuring that if a threat to Japanese interests emerges (for example, a specific threat against the Japanese PM by an extremist group), Canadian authorities are alerted immediately, and vice versa. […]